How Does The Story End?

Okemesw8’s story, as told by historian Thomas Franklin Waters, is one of betrayal. She dared to defy one of the most powerful families in colonial New England. For this she could not be forgiven. Waters described “the great kindness of Captain Epes [sic] and his good wife” to the grandmother and her grandsons.1 Waters decried the grandmother’s “thankless return” for Epps’ kindness. This is the story Epps told the jury at the Quarterly Court in Salem.
Gordon Harris, Ipswich’s current Historian, said in a recent post that when his grandmother left Castle Neck “Lionel continued living in Capt. Epes’ family” until he was twelve years old.2 In fact, Lyonell never lived in the Epps’ household more than two or three weeks. It was his brother Daniel who lived at Castle Hill. Lyonell indentured himself to Bennett in 1679, when he was ten years old. Five years later in 1684, Epps appers to have recognized that Lyonell was working for Bennett and sought to remove him to Castle Hill.
Waters believed that Bennett failed to pay the price of twenty pounds required by the Court of Assistants to protect Lyonell from removal to Castle Hill. Was Bennett willing to pay this price? He had the resources to do so.
For Bennett, this almost certainly was about more than the value of an indentured servant; it likely was about standing up to his powerful Puritan neighbors. Beyond Bennett’s political differences with Epps, and their boundary dispute, Bennett had another reason to defy Epps. Harlakenden Symonds, stepbrother of Daniel Epps, had attempted to swindle Bennett out of an inheritance. Bennett won at the Quarterly Court, but lost at least some of his inheritance on appeal.
Was Bennett’s goal to reveal the failure of Daniel Epps, and perhaps even the extended Winthrop family, to fulfill their Puritan duty to bring Lyonell under their family governance? Was he satified to win a moral victory against the Winthrops at the Quarterly Court? Was Bennet willing to pay to prevent Epps from removing the boy to the Winthrop property at Castle Hill? Did he feel he owed Lyonell this protection? Did he feel an obligation to Okemesw8 for helping him defy his powerful neighbors?
Did Okemesw8’s gamble on Bennett pay off? Did she believe he would be a reliable partner or was Lyonell’s indenture an act of desperation? We can speculate on Bennett’s and Okemesw8’s motives, but we are left only with circumstanial evidence and no reliable verdict.

Ceremonial Shell Sites
Francis LeBaron’s 1874 map (above) locates the largest of the many shell sites on Castle Neck, marked B, at the eastern edge of Wigwam Hill. The size of this site suggests it was likely a gathering place for those living in the many wigwams spread across Castle Neck. The insert of site B, in the lower left corner of LeBaron’s map, shows four large shell circles, each twenty five feet in diamater, and several smaller circles (see detail at left).
The Pawtucket likely gathered to honor a common ancestor buried here. They would have feasted on shellfish and reaffirm their identity as “an ongoing social grouping, to whom one’s ancestors had belonged to which one’s own posterity would be loyal.”3 The act of pagiminigamek (Abenaki for offering) shells at sites such a this is integral not only to Algonquian culture but also to indigenous cultures throughout the world.
When Okemesw8 returned to Wigwam Hill in 1669, she would not have felt out of place. Contrary to the misconception that Wigwam Hill was named for her solitary wigwam there, the settlers colonizing Agawam named the hill for the many wigwams they saw when they arrived some 40 years earlier. Okemesw8 was going back to place where she may have gathered with her kin as a child and young mother. She was likely returning to a place where her ancestors experienced great meaning and abundance.
Had Okemesw8 told her own story, she might have spoken of other indigenous children removed from Praying Indian families during the war that began 1675. The Massachusetts General Court distributed children among prominent Puritan families and then threatened to punish those who helped them run away. The court decreed that “their parents or kindred that shall entice or harbor and conceale them if they should run away” would be enslaved and sold outside the Commonweatlh.
On August 10, 1676, as the settlers’ war against Pometacomet was about to end, a government committee distributed 32 “Indian Children” from Praying Indian families on the condition that “the children bee religiously educated and taught the english tounge.” At this time, Daniel was about ten years old and his brother Lyonell was about seven.
Two Ipswich residents received indigenous children. Elizabeth Epps’ father and Daniel’s stepfather, Deputy Governor Samuel Symonds, received a 12-year-old boy named John and a 10-year-old girl named Heather. Thomas Jacob, also of Ipswich who later served as an officer in the company of Captain Daniel Epps, received a 10-year-old boy named Sawoonawuk. In neighboring Rowley, Jeremiah Shepard received a 19-year-old boy named Absalom, an 11-year-old girl named Sarah, and an 8-year-old girl named Jane. In Salem, Edmund Batter received a 16-year-old girl named Abigail. These children were to be indentured until their 24th birthday.

Both Practical and Ceremonial
Shell deposits once were viewed by archeologists as refuse heaps. These so-call “middens” were not recognized for their practical and ceremonial significance.
Traditionally, unopened shellfish are placed in fire pits along with moist grass or seaweed allowing the shellfish to steam. The process of steaming opens the shells making extraction easier. While some of the shellfish are eaten immediately as part of a feast, many are stored through a process of drying and smoking. Smoked shellfish are used later in the winter as protein in succotash, a traditional soup of corn and beans.
Before Okemesw8 indentured Lyonell to Bennett, she would have seen these indigenous children distributed to the settlers colonizing her homeland. She would have observed Daniel’s assimilation into the Puritan social order. She would have witnessed her kinfolk killed or enslaved in the settlers’ war against Pometacomet. What choice did she have? Would she allow Epps to take Lyonell from her? Would she flee north with Daniel and Lyonell risking capture? Would she risk being sold with her grandsons into slavery in the Caribbean? Could she trust Bennett to protect Lyonell from Epps?
Whatever specifically motivated Okemesw8, she decided to trust that Bennett would honor his commitment to Lyonell. We do not know whether Bennett lived up to the trust Okemesw8 placed in him, but we know she had the courage to defy Epps. She should be remembered not for her ingratitude to Epps but for her determination and ingenuity in the face of overwhelming odds. She appears to have developed a strategy to educate Lyonell in her language and traditions and prevent Epps from removing him to Castle Hill. Her strategy may well have succeeded.
- Thomas Franklin Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony …, vol. 2, 2 vols. (Ipswich historical
society, 1917), 738. - Gordon Harris, “The Farm at Wigwam Hill,” Historic Ipswich (blog), April 26, 2020, https://historicipswich.net/2020/04/26/wigwam-hill/.
- Ian J. McNiven, “Ritualized Middening Practices,” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 552–87, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-012-9130-y.
